Marxism vs Mechanical Materialism III: The Radical Anthropologists and the real human revolution

Early hominid life on the savannah


Note: This is the Third and final installment of my response to Dan Lazare’s polemic against me,  Meeting Judith Butler halfway: Science, Darwin, and adaptation to postmodernism.  Part Two, Marxism vs. Mechanical Materialism Part Two: The Darwin Wars was published on  April 19, 2026. Part One, Marxism vs. Mechanical Materialism Part One: Sexuality, Mechanism and Vitalism was published on April 9, 2026.

In his article Lazare makes a number of patently false statements attributing to me positions I do not hold. He also fails to respond to the bulk of my essay, Marxism, psychoanalysis and human sexuality.  That essay was in turn written in response to his article, Materialism and Gender Theory: Anatomy of a bourgeois-radical train wreck. I challenged the theoretical conclusions Lazare drew in that essay about gender theory, psychology, human sexuality and evolutionary theory. I am continuing the method I adopted in Part One and Part Two of responding to the topics while relegating the specific arguments raised by Lazare to the footnotes wherever possible.

The emergence of Radical Anthropology

Finally we come to the version of Evolutionary Psychology championed by some contemporary radicals and Marxists, namely the Radical Anthropology Group (RAG) founded by Chris Knight.  According to the RAG website[1] Knight was a radical activist teaching anthropology at Morley College when his position was terminated in 1984. Knight and his students then proceeded to found an independent organization devoted to the radical version of anthropology Knight was teaching. Eventually Knight found another position, teaching anthropology at the University of East London until 2009 when “He was sacked by UEL’s corporate management …for his role in organising and publicising demonstrations against the G20 in April.” The group that coalesced around Knight incudes the anthropologists Lionel Sims, Ian Watts, Camilla Power, Isabel Cardigos and Charles Whitehead.

What characterizes the work of the RAG is their commitment to a radical left version of Evolutionary Psychology. They share the commitment of their more conservative Evolutionary Psychology colleagues to the thesis that we can gain an understanding of human behavior by studying the Darwinian evolutionary strategies that were developed by early humans as well as our closest non-human relatives.  At the same time they rejected the right wing models of human behavior that were at the heart of Wilson’s Sociobiology and drove the work of Pinker, Harris and others, models that stressed the role of a male-dominated society founded on aggression and competition. Instead they maintained that the origins of human nature were to be found in prehistoric societies centered around females that practiced a form of what could be called primitive communism. These hypothesized structures centered social bonds that made possible cooperative child rearing without which our early hunter gatherer ancestors would never have survived. Rules regulating sex and the sharing of food that were inherited over the generations guided the members of these hunter gatherer groups. This narrative was presented as scientific facts gathered from studies in anthropology and primatology. Supposedly, such facts demonstrated that human nature, if it were allowed to run its course unimpeded, leads naturally not to capitalism, as previous Social Darwinists had maintained, but to communism. In assessing the work of this group one should make a distinction, always important, between their strictly scientific research and their broader theories about human nature. Just as we can acknowledge the strictly scientific work of E. O. Wilson while taking issue with his broader vision – Wilson did a great deal of original research in entomology and was considered the world’s leading experts on insects -- so we can acknowledge the scientific work of the radical anthropologists while challenging their reductionist understanding of human nature. A form of left wing reductionism, although more sophisticated than the crude fantasies of Stephen Pinker, remains a form of reductionism. Even if their narrative about the human origins in a society of primitive communism were found to be true – and that is a big “if” -- how much insight does that provide us about our contemporary culture?

The radical anthropologists turn to the work of the evolutionary anthropologist Sara Blaffer Hrdy as a kind of starting point for their own work. The main thesis of her work is that cooperative breeding was a trait that distinguished early humans from other apes, was driven by the necessity of adapting to the harsh conditions of life on the savannah and made it possible to nurture very vulnerable but complex infants, thereby creating the conditions for a leap in the cognitive ability of our ancestors. These are important scientific findings, revealing that cooperation is built into our biological makeup as humans.[2]  But that in itself tells us very little about why incredibly destructive wars have plagued humanity since the dawn of civilization and today threaten the very existence of our species.  And the reason for that is that we are not only biological creatures but social creatures and the economic, political, cultural and ideological dynamics of our lives have long since overridden the biological ones. Man’s second nature, our social being, while never freeing itself from our animal nature, overwhelms it and drives us past it either in a progressive or retrogressive direction. Richard Lewontin provided an example of this:

The reductionism of sociobiology leads it to characterize social behavior as nothing but the collection of individual behaviors, and social limitations as individual limitations writ large. Yet this reductionism misses an essential truth about human social activity - that social organization can actually negate individual limitations. I mean this negation in much more than the sense that ten people can lift a weight ten times as great as can one person. None of us can fly by flapping our arms. That is a biological limitation. Yet we do fly as a consequence of the social organization that has given rise to airplanes, airfields, pilots, controllers, fuel, metallurgy, hydrodynamic theory, and organized economic activity. It is not society that flies, however, but individuals. Thus, the constraints on individual human beings have been negated by social activity, and they have become new individual human beings with new properties and abilities. (And constraints. I cannot bring myself to kill another human being, but I could, had I been raised differently.)[3]

It may seem superfluous to make such an obvious point but it is necessary in light of the relentless campaign of the biological reductionists.  Another point that needs to be made is that those disciplines that we employ to comprehend the dynamics of man’s social being, including historical materialism, cannot be reduced to the disciplines of biology or chemistry.  Perhaps our ancestors 100,000 years ago were relatively speaking “peaceful”.  But the issue in dispute is whether in any meaningful sense modern humans can be considered peaceful as a result of this historical legacy.  The most we can say is that our biological heritage provides us with the capacity to be “peaceful” for sure, but, contrary to the biological determinists, that fact does not determine our destiny.  Only a fundamental transformation of our social organization can bring about a peaceful society. 

The “just so stories” of Chris Knight

Chris Knight


What of the theories of Chris Knight, the founder of Radical Anthropology? Knight is the author of a radical theory of human origins that focuses on the role of females reigning in the aggressive behavior of males. His theories are given enthusiastic and uncritical support by a number of radicals and Marxists. For instance take this example:

…in his 1991 book, Blood Relations, that cooperative sexual relations were no less important than cooperative child-rearing and labor.  Indeed, he theorizes that woman engaged in a Lysistrata-like “female strike” in early hominin history in which the goal was to hammer out a social contract in which men would provide food in exchange for sex and children.[4]

Knight’s theory of a female “sex strike” that propelled a “social revolution” in ancient society and overturned a war-driven patriarchy, giving way to a more humane and cooperative culture, is certainly an interesting hypothesis but exactly what evidence is there to support it?

Not much, according to the late English Marxist Chris Harman. He wrote a devastating critique of Knight’s work more than three decades ago. To quote Harman,

Every generation of Marxists has to fight its battle against those who produce the latest proofs – strangely enough, always the same old proofs – that Marxism is finished. But we have also had, repeatedly, to fight another, even more tiresome battle against people who claim to be on our own side. Ever since Herr Professor Dühring beguiled half the intellectuals of the German socialist movement with his ‘revolution in science’ in the 1880s, Marxists have had to expose a series of intellectual quacks who have tried to present their pet systems of myths and half-truths as the latest thing in scientific advance.

Chris Knight’s book about the origins of human culture falls straight into the same tradition of quackery. Every chapter is headed by a quote from Marx. But the intellectual basis of the book owes little to Marx’s insistence that social production is the key to the development of humanity. Rather Knight acknowledges his debt to: ‘sociobiology’s achievements’ in seeing that ‘what animates ... the flesh and blood individual ... are ... genes ... whose only law is to survive ...’; to the mystical poets Peter Redgrove and Penelope Sharp, whose ‘style and tone’, he tells us, is ‘Jungian’; to those ‘involved in the Greenham Common anti-missile campaigns of the early 1980s’ who refused ‘to collaborate in the whole masculinist political set up ...’; and to his ‘political friends’ which include prominent Labour MP Ken Livingstone and two lesser known luminaries of the London Labour left, Keith Veness and Graham Bash.[5]

Harman continues,

Most pop sociobiologists do not go beyond the 17th century mechanical materialist, Thomas Hobbes, who described life for humans in the ‘state of nature’ as ‘nasty, brutish and short’, with a ‘war of all against all’ making the development of civilisation impossible until people were forcibly compelled to behave themselves. Knight is no exception. He argues ‘genetic imperatives’ necessarily caused continual, bitter, bloody competition among our primate ancestors. Their behaviour, like that of present day primates, he describes as like ‘primitive capitalists’, their battles with each other as reminiscent ‘of some of Lenin’s descriptions of inter-imperialist rivalry’. And this prevented any real development of culture among our ancestors until about 50,000 or 60,000 years ago when co-operation replaced conflict.

His ‘theory’ is a Just So story about how such a change could have occurred – instead of telling how the elephant got its trunk, it claims to tell how humans got culture. It depends on adding a number of dubious claims to the initial postulate of endless conflict.

Harman then examines each of Knight’s claims and finds them to be unsupported by the evidence.  To cite one example that Harman brings up,

Take Knight’s initial presupposition, the alleged, state-of-nature, bloody competition between male primates over food and females. Knight justifies himself by reference to Solly Zukerman’s study of the chimps in London Zoo in the early 1930s. But there have been scores of further studies since, many based in the wild, which give a very different picture.  They reveal differences of social behaviour between different ape species as great as those between any of them and modern humans.  And in many cases there are far more instances of cooperation between individuals than conflict.

Similar criticisms have been levelled against Knight by others. Writing in an anarchist journal, an anonymous author with the pen name of “Baboon”, who obviously had a great deal of knowledge of anthropology, made the following points,

I've no doubt that menstruation was an important element and that the moon played a significant role in hunter-gatherer society and, possibly, the former rituals involved the use of red ochre. But to elevate this assertion to an importance of a motor force of change was ridiculous and unscientific. I spoke to agree with the importance of primitive communism as a concept and the qualitative leap that Homo Sapiens represented, but denounced his ignorant dismissal of pre-Sapiens species as "animals". I also pointed out that his ‘irrefutable' proof of the use of red ochre by Sapiens predated this species by hundreds of thousands of years. It was used by Homo Heidelbergensis 300,000 years ago, by everyone's admission by Neanderthals, in France, Spain and Czechoslovakia, and even findings in the Olduvai beds of Africa date from one million years ago. My inference was that its use in hunter gatherer society was more to do with life and death (red ochre is probably the "red earth" in Genesis from which God created Adam).[6]

Knight claimed that he was building on the legacy of Engels’ work in this area from his treatise on The Family, Private property and the State.[7] But Knight does not engage with one of Engels’ most important insights, the part played by labor in the humanization from apes to man.  That criticism was made in a follow-up article to the criticism of Baboon, where the author wrote,

One of Baboon's most important criticisms of Knight's thesis is that, apart from a couple of references in the book that are not followed up, he seems to show no interest at all in what for Marx and Engels was an absolutely central element in the emergence of the specifically human consciousness of the world: not only the question of reproduction, but the question of production, of labour, and the social relations which permit its development. Indeed, when Baboon raised the question of tool-making as a factor in the evolution of human consciousness, Knight described this as an "anti-woman" approach (as though the use of tools were the exclusive privilege of males). It is here that Knight seems to slip into a purely feminist approach, as there can hardly be a serious marxist account of human origins that doesn't at least acknowledge and assimilate the contribution of Marx, Engels, Pannekoek and others on "the role of labour in the transition from ape to man.[8]

It does not require any special expertise in anthropology to acknowledge that Harman’s and subsequent critiques of Chris Knight’s theory is devastating. At the very least Knight’s theory should have been met with critical questioning rather than the uncritical and enthusiastic adoption that we find among a number of Knight’s radical supporters.

The idea of a “sex strike” followed by a “human revolution” that overthrew patriarchy (Knight even makes reference to the now discredited theory of an original “matriarchy”) followed again by a “counter-revolution” re-establishing patriarchy, smacks of an extrapolation from the radical politics Knight was familiar with in his London neighborhood to the field of anthropology.  In that context the radical activists envisioned  a strike action, leading to a general strike, which in turn would trigger an insurrection that would topple the existing order.  One can understand why a radical activist would be tempted to read into ancient society a confirmation of his political vision, but that does not make such a hypothesis science.

The real human revolution: The emergence of language and symbolization

All of which is not to say that there is nothing useful in the research that looks at animal behavior as a source of human behavior. There is a continuity between the behavior of our non-human ancestors and homo sapiens.  That is certainly part of the truth and the work of anthropologists like Hrdy and the primatologist Jane Goodall demonstrates that. But there is also a sharp discontinuity. There is clearly something unique about the human animal that does not exist in other species and it is not just an incremental difference but a qualitative one.  This is the part that trips up the Radical Anthropologists.  If collective breeding is a trait that humans share with some of our non-human relatives – and by extension are inherited from a now extinct common ancestor – then it must follow that this is not the specific trait that distinguishes humans from animals.

Sara Blaffer Hrdy

But there was indeed a “human revolution” and while collective breeding certainly paved the way for it, that was not it.  To explore this topic further we need to consider the work of the anthropologist Ian Tattersall. He maintains that the unique trait that marked humans was language and the ability to symbolize.  Thus Tattersall writes,

By any standard we human beings are unusual creatures. Just for a start, our bizarre upright locomotion is reflected in a whole laundry list of physical peculiarities that range from strange globular heads, precariously balanced above sinuous vertical spines, to a dismal propensity for hernias, wrenched knees, and fallen arches. Still, if pressed to identify the one single feature that most sharply distinguishes us from the rest of the living world, most of us would probably opt for our ability to produce and understand language, a curious form of communication in which a limited vocabulary of vocal or gestural symbols can generate an unlimited number of readily recognizable meanings.[9]

In his major book on this topic Tattersall elaborates,

Our ancestors made an almost unimaginable transition from a nonsymbolic, nonlinguistic way of processing and communicating information about the world to the symbolic and linguistic condition we enjoy today. It is a qualitative leap in cognitive state unparalleled in history. Indeed, as I’ve said, the only reason we have for believing that such a leap could ever have been made, is that it was made. And it seems to have been made well after the acquisition by our species of its distinctive modern biological form.

The earliest firm intimations we have that a symbolic sensibility was astir among populations of newly evolved Homo sapiens come from Africa or its immediate environs. The oldest of them are also a bit arguable, consisting principally of suggestions that at Skhul, over 100 thousand years ago, small marine snail shells were already being pierced for stringing as beads, while lumps of pigment were heated, presumably to change their color from yellow into a more attractive orange or red. The shell beads are particularly interesting, because personal ornamentation using necklaces or bracelets (and, for that matter, bodily coloration using pigments) has usually had deep symbolic significance among historically documented peoples. How you dress and decorate yourself signifies your identity as a member of a group, or of a class or a profession or of an age-cohort within your group. Still, the early putative evidence for this kind of thing is slender at this point: two shells perforated (possibly by natural causes) through their weakest points at Skhul, and a single shell at an Aterian site in Algeria of uncertain age. At both places, however, the shells were of a species that had to have been collected far away along the Mediterranean shore. This implies they were special objects to their possessors, specifically brought in through long-distance exchange.[10]

Ian Tattersall


What Tattersall is saying is that man is a linguistic animal because he or she is a symbolizing animal. And as Tattersall indicates, language is one means of expressing our ability to symbolize but it is not the only one as the production of decorative beads indicates. Indeed it is an open question among anthropologists whether symbolic activity preceded spoken language or developed conjointly with it. Tattersall explains the origin of language from a Gouldian point of view and rejects the thesis of the sociobiologists who see no further than the function of language to improve communication within a group, thereby assisting its survival in a hostile environment.  But communication within a group requires only a small set of vocal and gestural actions, which is indeed what we see among the higher primates.  It does not require the symbolizing role that language (and other symbolic activity) performs among humans. Human language allows for an infinite array of meanings, far more than required for survival. Part of Tattersall’s argument is a defense of Noam Chomsky’s theory of language involving a “universal grammar”. It would take us too far afield to discuss Chomsky’s theory here and it is not necessary to defend it in order to agree with Tattersall’s main point, that the acquisition of language was a cognitive revolution that went far beyond the necessities of group communication and sometimes even could come into conflict with those requirements.  Tattersall writes, in reviewing a book written by a biological determinist,

He [the author Steven Mithen, whose book, The Language Puzzle, is being reviewed] also dwells on the tendency of languages to diversify, finding lots of reasons why this should occur despite the resulting barriers to communication. What he does not consider is the question of why, if selection reigns supreme and language is all about communication, those barriers should not be selected out. Is it possible that, in such an intensely social species, language is somehow more important as a badge of group membership than as a way of communicating about the physical and social environment? Or might there be some merit in Chomsky’s speculation that language’s most important role is its internalized one?[11]

What is distinctly human about sex?

This leads us back to a point of contention between what I would consider a dialectical approach to human sexuality and the kind of mechanical materialist approach championed by the followers of the radical anthropologists, namely the claim that human sexual behavior is not all that different from that of other animals. 

Followers of the radical anthropologists cite  the work of Volker Sommer demonstrating that chimpanzees, bonobos and even birds practice homosexuality and are therefore just as diverse in their sexual drives as humans. This is meant to reinforce the idea that human sexuality is more or less dictated by the biological impulse to reproduce and if there is some variation to human sexual expression it is no more than can be found among animals who are nevertheless destined to follow  the Darwinian impulse to reproduce.

Now it is true that certain species of animals can follow the diversity of human sexual expression, but only in a very attenuated form. The supposed similarity of human sexuality to that of other animal species is brought up to confuse the profound difference that lies between them. That difference is located in the symbolic nature of human sexuality, something that is not found among other animal species. Thus humans exhibit a range of sexual behavior that, like the meanings found in language, are practically infinite. For humans, sexual behavior is as much symbolic as it is purely driven by instinct. And that is the significance of a practice like the shoe fetish. Shoe fetishism is one example among thousands of the symbolic nature of human sexual expression. Monkeys may engage in homosexual activity but they do not create a gay culture. Nor do they engage in purely symbolic forms of sexual activity such as sadomasochism and shoe fetishism.

On killing Freud again

It was the symbolic nature of human sexuality that was the great insight of Freud. That is one reason why the biological determinists, both left and right wing, wish to excommunicate Freud. As far as Freud’s right wing critics are concerned, the theory and practice of psychoanalysis founded by Freud is “unscientific” and a poor “return on investment.”[12]  Left wing opponents of Freud will simply contend that Freudianism “is not part of Marxism”.[13]

But those who wish to exclude by fiat the work of Freud from the legacy of Marxism are in fact going against a long-standing Marxist tradition of respect and engagement, if not always agreement, with Freud and his theories. The idea that “Freudianism is not part of Marxism” was certainly not Trotsky’s view. He respected Freudian psychoanalysis and even recommended it to members of his own family.  Evidence of this is replete in his Notebooks from the 1930’s,

But by itself the method of psychoanalysis, taking as its point of departure the ‘autonomy’ of psychological phenomena, in no way contradicts materialism. Quite the contrary, it is precisely dialectical materialism that prompts us to the idea that the psyche could not even be formed unless it played an autonomous, that is, within certain limits, an independent role in the life of the individual and the species.[14]

Nor was it the position of the Bolsheviks who encouraged psychoanalytic therapy in the early years of the Soviet Union before it was shut down by the Stalinist bureaucracy.[15]

Not was it the position of the Freudo-Marxists like Erich Fromm, Otto Fenichel and Wilhelm Reich in his Marxist period or subsequent writers such as Bertell Ollman, Michael Löwy and many others.

The dismissal of Freud is a common trope among biological determinists as well, including the Radical Anthropologist Chris Knight as well as Volker Sommer and the leaders of Sociobiology, Wilson, Dawkins, Dennett and Pinker. It should be understood however that this rejection of Freud is not based on any serious study of Freud or his work. Rather for them “Freud” is just a stand-in for psychology as such. Any version of psychology, not just Freud’s, that does not conform to their reductionist model of human behavior is illegitimate. They are part of a long-standing tradition of Freud-bashing that has become obligatory in mainstream culture. Jonathan Lear identified this phenomenon decades ago,

From Time to the New York Times, Freud-bashing has gone from an argument to a movement. In just the past few weeks Basic Books has brought out a long-winded tirade with what it no doubt hopes will be the sensational title Why Freud Was Wrong; and the New York Review of Books has collected some of its already published broadsides against Freud into a new book.[16]

If there is less ink spilled about Freud today than there was four decades ago it is only because the Freud-bashers think they have won the battle.

The reductionist model for the unification of knowledge according to E.O. Wilson

The Sociobiologists/Evolutionary Psychologists always come back with the retort that what their critics see as reductionism is in reality an attempt to bring all the sciences bound together into a unified whole. That was the original vision of Wilson which he articulated in his book Consilience: The Unity of Knowledge. In that work Wilson makes absolutely clear that his vision of unifying the sciences is a program of pure reductionism of all the social science to biology,  He makes his contempt for social science, as well as Marx and Freud quite clear, writing:

As a rule they [social scientists] ignore the findings of scientific psychology and biology. That is part of the reason, for example, why social scientists overestimated the strength of communist rule and underestimated the strength of ethnic hostility. They were genuinely startled when the Soviet empire collapsed, popping the cap off the superpower pressure cooker, and were surprised again when one result of this release of energies was the breakout of ethnic strife and nationalistic wars in the spheres of diminished Russian influence. The theorists have consistently misjudged Muslim fundamentalism, which is religion inflamed by ethnicity. At home in America, they not only failed to foresee the collapse of the welfare state, but still cannot agree on its causes. In short, social scientists as a whole have paid little attention to the foundations of human nature, and they have had almost no interest in its deep origins.

The social sciences are hampered in this last regard by the residue of strong historical precedent. Ignorance of the natural sciences by design was a strategy fashioned by the founders, most notably Emile Durkheim, Karl Marx, Franz Boas, and Sigmund Freud, and their immediate followers. They aimed to isolate their nascent disciplines from the foundational sciences of biology and psychology, which at the inception of the social sciences were in any case too primitive to be of clear relevance. This stance was fruitful at first. It allowed scholars to search widely for patterns in culture and social organization unencumbered by the patronage of the natural sciences, and to compose such laws of social action as the prima facie evidence demanded. But once the pioneering era ended, the theorists were mistaken not to include biology and psychology. It was no longer a virtue to avoid the roots of human nature.[17]

 

This long-winded statement by Wilson is quite revealing and uncovers the real agenda behind the slogan “Unity of Knowledge”.  Initially the idea of the different sciences working together on first reading sounds great.  What rational person would oppose that? But once you unpack his statement its sinister implications become clear. Wlson is proposing a hierarchy of the sciences in which biology as he understands it occupies the most fundamental layer.  Sitting on top of biology and directly dependent on it is what he calls “scientific psychology”,  another term for the pseudo-science of Evolutionary Psychology.  After that stand all the other layers of what used to be known as the “social sciences” that are identified by way of the individuals associated with their names: sociology (Durkheim), economics (Marx), psychology (Freud) and cultural anthropology (Boas).  His point is that none of the social sciences have ever gotten beyond the level of a child-like and naïve common sense approach and thus cannot be considered genuine sciences. And as for philosophy, it does not even rate a mention.  However we get a clear idea of what Wilson thinks of philosophy in remarks he makes elsewhere,

Philosophers have labored off and on for over two thousand years to explain consciousness. Of course they have, it’s their job. Innocent of biology, however, they have for the most part understandably gotten nowhere. I don’t believe it too harsh to say that the history of philosophy when boiled down consists mostly of failed models of the brain.[18]

What we get therefore is a dismissal of philosophy altogether, very much in the tradition of logical positivism. (The logical positivists famously said that the traditional problems philosophy was concerned with such as “what is justice?” or “what is beauty?” are not really philosophical problems at all. They can either be solved through normal scientific observation once their imprecise wording is unpacked or they are simply nonsense without any possible solution.) Yet Wilson makes an exception for a group of philosophers who have embraced his reductionist model of knowledge. He praises the work of Daniel Dennett for instance,

A few of the modern neurophilosophers such as … Daniel Dennett have made a splendid effort to interpret the findings of neuroscience research as these become available. They have helped others to understand, for example, the ancillary nature of morality and rational thought.

Wilson also makes the point that only a subjective idealist of the postmodernist variety could possibly be a critic of his reductionist outlook,

Others, especially those of poststructuralist bent, are more retrograde. They doubt that the “reductionist” or “objectivist” program of the brain researchers will ever succeed in explaining the core of consciousness.

Needless to say Wilson’s accusations against opponents of reductionism still find an echo today even from left wing sources.[19]

The unified approach to human sexuality: dialectics or goulash?

How then do we unify our knowledge from different disciplines in our understanding of human sexuality?

One answer comes in the form of the following piece of world-salad from a supporter of the Radical Anthropologists:

Moving about oneself in such a manner means learning to see sexual reproduction, social reproduction, scientific development, and the like as a unified whole.  Where bourgeois liberalism seeks to compartmentalize such functions, Marxism seeks to bind them together more tightly than ever.[20]

It is not accidental that this description of a “unified whole” hearkens back to Wilson’s conception of unifying all areas of knowledge by reducing all of psychology and the social sciences to biology.  But this so called “unified whole”  has no resemblance to a dialectical whole in which each part is defined in terms of its relation to the whole and what is considered a whole is relative to the place it occupies within a hierarchy of wholes each exhibiting new and emergent properties that cannot be reduced to the properties of wholes on a lower level of this hierarchy.   Trotsky put it thus in the quote we have previously cited,

…it is precisely dialectical materialism that prompts us to the idea that the psyche could not even be formed unless it played an autonomous, that is, within certain limits, an independent role in the life of the individual and the species.

Or to extend the thought, it means that biology cannot be reduced to chemistry, psychology cannot be reduced to biology, and the politics of a country cannot be reduced to economics even if all these areas are interconnected.

Writing against the reductionism of the Russian psychologist Pavlov, Trotsky made this point explicitly,

Each science rests on the laws of other sciences only in the so-called final instance. But at the same time, the separation of the sciences from one another is determined precisely by the fact that each science covers a particular field of phenomena, i.e. a field of complex combinations of elementary phenomena and laws that require a special approach, special research technique, special hypotheses and methods.[21]

It also means that if you are examining human sexual behavior it has to be analyzed in its own terms as the unique whole with its own emergent properties that are guided largely by our symbolization drive and not confused with the instinctual sexual practices of non-human animals.  The latter approach replaces dialectics with goulash.

Epilogue: The new anti-humanist synthesis: the convergence of biological determinism with biological eliminationism

“We are survival machines—robot vehicles blindly programmed to preserve the selfish molecules known as genes.”

-         Richard Dawkins, The Selfish Gene, 1976

 

As I mentioned several years ago, it increasingly appears that humanity is a biological bootloader for digital superintelligence.”

-         Elon Musk, quote on X, 2025

 

The Darwin Wars that began in the 1970’s never really ended. But they have taken on new forms in the past three decades. For one thing the reductionist model for unifying knowledge proposed by Wilson has been adopted by official education policy makers, although in a manner he did not foresee. The last 30 years has seen the progressive destruction of the humanities in higher education.  This was driven by the rationale that the education system needs to be “reformed” to be more “scientific”. This was coupled with criticism that the humanities represent a “poor return on investment”.  

At the same time, the guiding philosophy of our culture has turned increasingly in an anti-humanist direction. That is the import of the rise to prominence of the philosophical doggerel arising out of the Tech billionaires from Silicone Valley such as Peter Thiel and Elon Musk.  Their philosophical spokesmen of the Dark Enlightenment have been telling us that being human is a brake on progress and we need to shed our humanity in the service of a higher technological utopia. [22]

To be fair to Wilson, that was never his intention.  As he got older he became very aware of issues relating to climate change and biodiversity. He hoped that his vision of unifying knowledge would lead, not to the extinction of the humanities, but to its alignment with what he conceived of as “science”.  Thus he wrote,

Science and the humanities, it is true, are fundamentally different from each other in what they say and do. But they are complementary in origin, and they arise from the same creative processes in the human brain. If the heuristic and analytic power of science can be joined with the introspective creativity of the humanities, human existence will rise to an infinitely more productive and interesting meaning.[23]

But, despite the intention of Wilson, mechanical materialism has a logic of its own and in the context of a declining bourgeoisie who have long since abandoned any vestige of humanism, the only direction such an ideology could go was toward an anti-humanism. 

A philosophy that denies human agency, that reduces science to that which can be measured and controlled, inevitably turns into an anti-humanism despite the best intentions of their advocates. And that is how we end up with the paradox that those who affirm the primacy of our biological selves in the end find themselves in agreement with a technological accelerationist like Musk who thinks our human biology is an unnecessary though temporary burden to be discarded as soon as the new technology makes possible our post-human, non-biological existence.

Humanism as a distinct social and philosophical movement first emerged in Italy during the Renaissance.  (Of course there were predecessors to humanism in the ancient world.)  What was characteristic of Renaissance humanism was its assertion of human agency and freedom of the individual against dogma and ecclesiastical authority and a universalism that reflected a tolerance of other cultures. It also advocated a cultivation of the intellect in all spheres of knowledge and art and a turn to the classics of Greece and Rome.  The humanist impulse was given a new direction with the advent of the Enlightenment and the Scientific Revolution.  Humanism was infused with the advances made in the natural and social science and became synonymous with the notion of progress and the ideals of “liberty, equality and fraternity”  by which the French Revolution ushered in the modern world.  By the mid-19th century the bourgeoisie was no longer capable of articulating a humanist vision.  That did not happen all at once, but eventually the bourgeoisie abandoned all pretense of espousing anything remotely akin to humanism.  Rather, various forms of anti-humanism, of which Nietzsche is rightly considered to be the godfather, took hold.  The legacy of the humanism of the Renaissance and the Enlightenment was carried forward by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels and their followers.  Today, as the bourgeoisie expresses its predatory nature more and more openly it is left to Marxists to be the most consistent  defenders of humanism. A key part of our responsibility is to support the efforts of  scientists who defend the humanist tradition, against those who would subordinate the sciences to the dictates of a capitalist oligarchy.   That is why we support those scientists, who, like the late Stephen Jay Gould and Richard Lewontin, devoted themselves to exposing the anti-humanism and false science of various ideologies that claimed to be “scientific”.


NOTES

[1]  Lazare is an uncritical booster of this group as expressed in his article, Meeting Judith Butler halfway. The RAG website is  http://radicalanthropologygroup.org/about

[2]   Lazare, in his response to my critique, devotes several long paragraphs to the topic of “cooperative breeding”,  citing the work of Sara Blaffer Hrdy while insinuating that I reject this entire body of scientific research.  Lazare is providing a false narrative here since I never said a word about Hrdy’s work.

[3]  Richard Lewontin, Biological Determinism, The Tanner Lectures on Human Values, Delivered at The University of Utah, March 31 and April 1, 1982. https://tannerlectures.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/lewontin83.pdf

[4]  The words are taken from Lazare’s article, Meeting Judith Butler halfway.

[5]  Chris Harman, Blood Simple, From International Socialism 2 : 54, Spring 1992, pp. 169–75.

https://www.marxists.org/archive/harman/1992/xx/bloodsimple.html

[6] Baboon’s revenge: Marxism versus feminism on the origins of humanity

Submitted by World Revolution on 5 November, 2007 - 11:38, https://en.internationalism.org/wr/309/bookfair-report

[8]  Review of Chris Knight's "Blood Relations: Menstruation and the Origins of Culture"

Submitted by ICConline on 12 October, 2008 - 10:32, https://en.internationalism.org/2008/10/Chris-Knight

[9] Ian Tattersall, Look Who’s Talking, New York Review of Books, December 19, 2024, https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2024/12/19/look-whos-talking-the-language-puzzle-steven-mithen/

[10] Ian Tattersall, Masters of the Planet: the search for our human origins, Palgrave MacMillan, 2012. P. 199-200.

[11] Tattersall, Look Who’s Talking, op. cit.

[12]   Jonathan Lear, On killing Freud (Again), in Open Minded: Working Out the Logic of the Soul, Harvard University Press, 1998, p. 17.

[13]   I am once more quoting Lazare.

[14]  Quoted in Frank Brenner, Psychoanalysis and the “empty place” of psychology within Marxism,

https://permanent-revolution.org/essays/marxism_psychoanalysis.pdf

[15]   See Frank Brenner’s two part series, Intrepid Thought: Psychoanalysis in the Soviet Union,

https://permanent-revolution.org/essays/intrepid_thought_one.htm

https://permanent-revolution.org/essays/intrepid_thought_two.htm 

[16] Jonathan Lear, On killing Freud (Again), OPEN MINDED: Working Out the Logic of the Soul,

Harvard University Press, 1998, p. 17.

[17]  E.O. Wilson, Consilience: The Unity of Knowkedge, Random House, 1998, p. 200.

[18]  E.O. Wilson, The Meaning of Human Existence, Liveright, 2014, Chapter 14. Free Will.

[19]  This quote from Lazare follows the pattern of Wilson’s argument,

“…he [Steiner] is unable to see that postmodernists like Butler suffer from a similar blind spot. As a result, he lets them off with a slap on the wrist at most while saddling historical materialists with “the sin of reductionism” because they insist that the bio-evolutionary nature of gender and sexuality must not be overlooked.”

The only “historical materialist” I was criticizing was Lazare. Of course I never suggested that biology can be “overlooked”, only that it does not determine our social behavior.

[20]   The quote is from Lazare’s article, Meeting Judith Butler halfway.

[21] L. Trotsky, Dialectical Materialism and Science, Speech to the Mendeleyev Society, 17 September 1925

https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1925/09/science.htm

[22]  An excellent systematic critique of contemporary anti-humanist philosophies of both a right wing and left wing variety can be found in the book, Prometheus and Gaia: Technology, Ecology, and Anti- Humanism, by Harrison Fluss and Landon Frim, Anthem Press, 2022.

[23] Wilson, The Meaning of Human Existence, op. cit. Chapter 15. Alone and Free in the Universe.



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Marxism vs. Mechanical Materialism Part Two: The Darwin Wars

Charles Darwin

Note: This is the Second installment of my response to Dan Lazare’s polemic against me, Meeting Judith Butler halfway: Science, Darwin, and adaptation to postmodernism.  Part One Marxism vs. Mechanical Materialism Part One: Sexuality, Mechanism and Vitalism was published on April 9, 2026. The Third and final installment of my response will be published next week.

In his article Lazare makes a number of patently false statements attributing to me positions I do not hold. He also fails to respond to the bulk of my essay, Marxism, psychoanalysis and human sexualityThat essay was in turn written in response to his article, Materialism and Gender Theory: Anatomy of a bourgeois-radical train wreck. I challenged the theoretical conclusions Lazare drew in that essay about gender theory, psychology, human sexuality and evolutionary theory. I am continuing the method I adopted in Part One of responding to the topics while relegating the specific arguments raised by Lazare to the footnotes wherever possible.

Marx, Darwin, reductionism and Social Darwinism

In biology reductionism has been a problem for a long time but the stakes were raised exponentially after the publications of Darwin’s Origin of the Species. Marx and Engels immediately recognized the revolutionary implications of Darwin’s theory of evolution through natural selection. Marx even sent a copy of his work, Capital, to Darwin,  seeing in Darwin’s publication, a confirmation in nature of his own outlook in history. But shortly after Origin of the Species was published, a byproduct of Darwin’s theory, Social Darwinism, appeared on the scene. The idea behind Social Darwinism was that the mechanism of evolution discovered by Darwin -- natural selection (later dubbed “survival of the fittest”) -- can be extended from the realm of biology to explain and justify the class-based capitalist society that we inhabit. The reactionary implications of this unwarranted extension of Darwin’s theory into the social realm was expressed in crude form by John D. Rockefeller, who famously said,

The growth of large business is merely a survival of the fittest… The American Beauty rose can be produced in the splendor and fragrance which bring cheer to its beholder only by sacrificing the early buds which grow up around it. This is not an evil tendency in business. It is merely the working out of a law of nature and a law of God.[1]

Marx and Engels immediately recognized the reactionary and unscientific implications of this offshoot of Darwinism.

In a letter to the Russian Marxist Peter Lavrov, Engels outlined the reductionist methodology of what he called “bourgeois Darwinists”, a political current in German political life at the time,

All that the Darwinian theory of the struggle for existence boils down to is an extrapolation from society to animate nature of Hobbes’ theory of the bellum omnium contra omnes [war of all against all] and of the bourgeois-economic theory of competition together with the Malthusian theory of population. Having accomplished this feat … these people proceed to re-extrapolate the same theories from organic nature to history, and then claim to have proved their validity as eternal laws of human society. The puerility of this procedure is self-evident, and there is no need to waste words on it.[2]

Friedrich Engels (1879)


A more general statement rejecting the application of the laws of biological evolution to social forms can be found in Engels’ Dialectics of Nature where he wrote,

Let us accept for a moment the phrase “struggle for existence,” for argument’s sake. The most that the animal can achieve is to collect; man produces, he prepares the means of subsistence, in the widest sense of the words, which without him nature would not have produced. This makes impossible any unqualified transference of the laws of life in animal societies to human society.[3]

There is also this explicit rejection of reductionism by Engels in the same unfinished work,

The conception of history as a series of class struggles is already much richer in content and deeper than merely reducing it to weakly distinguished phases of the struggle for existence.[4]

Trotsky provides, decades later, an even more adamant rejection of social Darwinism,

…we frequently find in Darwin himself, not to speak of the Darwinists, completely naïve and unscientific efforts to carry over the conclusions of biology to society. Interpreting competition as a ‘variety’ of biological struggle for existence – is like seeing nothing but mechanics in the physiology of mating.[5]

As the above quotes make clear Marxists have always rejected theories that reduce historical explanations of human behavior to biological explanations.  On the other hand, it has long been a matter of debate among historians whether Darwin himself subscribed to the tenets of Social Darwinism.  According to the anthropologist Melissa Brown, there existed the “strictly scientific Darwin” who wrote The Origin of the Species but there was also the “less than scientific Darwin” whose book The Descent of Man was infused with the racist and imperialist sentiments of the Victorian gentry of his time. [6]

While the ideas behind Social Darwinism emerged shortly after the publication of Origin, the phrase “Social Darwinism” only passed into  popular culture in the U.S. as a result of a book by the historian Richard Hofstadter from 1940. But the idea had been germinating since the 1870s, thanks largely to the work of an early proponent of Social Darwinism, the 19th century English philosopher Herbert Spencer. Although Spencer is considered today little more than a footnote in intellectual history, his influence on the English speaking world a century ago cannot be underestimated. It was Spencer who first coined the term “survival of the fittest.” And his ideas found an immediate echo in the most reactionary social and political theories in Victorian England and beyond.  It allowed proponents of a version of laissez faire capitalism to rationalize their indifference to the fate of the poor, the disabled and other unfortunates as a necessary outcome of an evolutionary process that results in losers and winners. Many social theorists of the time also concluded that we can assist the natural process of evolution by taking social measures to restrict the ability of the undesirables to reproduce and spread their inferior qualities.  Thus was born the pseudo-science of Eugenics.  Darwin’s cousin, Francis Galton, was the father of Eugenics, having coined the word in the 1860’s. Similar ideas that claimed to find a “scientific” explanation for the superiority of certain races over others served as a rationale for the brutal colonialism of the 19th and 20th centuries.  That Darwin was influenced by such ideas even if they did not appear in the strictly scientific chapters of Origin no doubt explains  why he was persuaded to insert the phrase “survival of the fittest” into the Fifth Edition of the Origin of Species in place of the original “natural selection”. [7]

Herbert Spencer. Painting by Sir Hubert von Herkomer, National Galleries of Scotland


The rise of Eugenics

Social Darwinism remained an influential current in politics and philosophy in the late 19th and early 20th century.  Not only was it used to rationalize harsh and cruel treatment of the most vulnerable members of society, the poor, the disabled, the elderly, racial and sexual minorities that were deemed “undesirable”,  but it also became a new ideological weapon in spreading racism and imperialism. Whereas the Southern planters turned to a twisted version of Christianity to justify slavery by claiming a Biblical authority for the superiority of Caucasians and the inferiority of Africans, Social Darwinism provided a more “scientific” rationale for racism and imperialism.  When Mendelian genetics was married to Darwinian evolution in the 1920’s, what was then called “the new synthesis”, it filled out a missing piece in Darwin’s theory of evolution through natural selection, namely what was it that was retained in an individual organism that enabled it to reproduce its unique features from generation to generation. At the same time chance variations in this substance endowed it with either greater or lesser chances of survival. The accumulated effects of these variations in the long run over many generations, determined the course of evolution of the species.  But at the same time as this great advance in genuine science was made, the pseudo-science of Eugenics was given new life.

According to one historian,

Eugenics was a pseudoscience, an epiphenomenon of a number of sciences, which all intersected at the claim that it was possible to consciously guide human evolution. Springing from the platform that human behavior was tied to evolutionary heredity, eugenics made the disturbing claim that human traits could be accurately measured, quantified, and assessed for social desirability. Given that these traits were supposedly inherited, manipulating the reproduction of people with these traits could spread or diminish the prevalence of these traits in later generations. As became increasingly clear, eugenics could be dressed up as an apparently humane solution to a variety of social and medical problems. However, careful consideration of its methods and aims revealed deep layers of flawed assumptions and immoral agendas.[8]

Eugenics caught on in post-World War I America.  It was no accident that its popularity increased at the same time as America witnessed a rise in racist oppression and xenophobia and anti-communism.  This was the period of the rebirth of the Ku Klux Klan and mass lynching of black people, the Palmer raids and the Red Scare that followed the October Revolution in Russia, and a general backlash against the wave of immigrants who had come to America from countries that were deemed “undesirable”.  The history of Eugenics and its destructive impact on society is well-known. Arguments from Eugenicists were employed to enforce the most reactionary legislation, the anti-immigration laws of the 1920’s. forced sterilization, segregated education based on IQ tests, etc.[9] The forced sterilization of individuals deemed “unfit” affected hundreds of thousands in the United States and Canada. The state of California alone forcibly sterilized approximately 20,000 such “undesirables” between 1909 and 1979. A number of incarcerated women were still subjected to forced sterilization as recently as 2013.[10] The nation of Peru, during the administration of Alberto Fujimori, forcibly sterilized 300,000 women of indigenous heritage from the rural Andean regions.[11] Peru’s sterilization program was promoted as  a model of reproductive health and economic development. It “drew on long-standing eugenic doctrines and neo-Malthusian theories, which linked excessive population growth to poverty and national instability.”[12]

It was no accident that Hitler praised America’s adoption of these reactionary laws in his Mein Kampf.  When the Nazis came to power later in the 1930’s Eugenics became the scientific rationale for Nazi racial theories and their implementation.[13] But it would be a mistake to think that the embrace of eugenics was confined to the political Right. Lots of liberals and social democrats were also caught up in it.  Prominent figures such as Betrand Russell, John Maynard Keynes, Sidney and Beatrice Webb were enthusiastic advocates of eugenics in the 1920’s and 1930’s. The Social Democratic government of Sweden was responsible for the forced sterilization of 60,000 Swedish women from 1935 until as late as 1976.[14] This atrocity was committed in the name of securing the integrity of the Nordic race.

Following the defeat of the Nazis in the Second World War the pseudo-science of eugenics, while not yet dead, was largely discredited.  This paved the way for a new, more sophisticated form of Social Darwinism, Sociobiology.

The Rise of Sociobiology

The beginnings of Sociobiology is often attributed to the publication of E.O. Wilson’s book from 1975, Sociobiology: A New Synthesis. Wilson’s book was followed by a popular account of Sociobiology by Richard Dawkins, The Selfish Gene, published in 1976.  The main thesis of Sociobiology as promoted by Wilson was that the social behavior of animals was determined by a strict evolutionary strategy implanted in genes and that what appears as altruistic behavior is proven to be rooted on a deeper level in a strategy for survival. Wilson went a step further and proclaimed that the Darwinian impulse which he claimed guided the behavior of social insects can be applied to the behavior of human society.  The reactionary implications of Wilson’s version of genetic determinism were soon exposed when he was quoted as saying,

…the genetic bias is intense enough to cause a substantial division of labor even in the most free and most egalitarian of future societies. . . Even with identical education and equal access to all professions, men are likely to continue to play a disproportionate role in political life, business and sciences.[15]

Edward O.Wilson photo by Rick Friedman/Corbis via Getty Images


Wilson also offered the opinion, from a typical positivist and anti-philosophical outlook, that,

…the time has come for ethics to be removed temporarily from the hands of the philosophers and biologicized.[16]

Dawkins’ book, The Selfish Gene, was no less a sensation. Written for a more popular audience, Dawkins argues that genes, not organisms, are the unit of selection in biological evolution and employs the metaphor of a “selfish gene” to drive home the point that the evolutionary direction of a species is ultimately determined by which genes are more adaptive and therefore can be passed on in greater frequency across generations.  Dawkins invented the idea of the “meme” to describe a "unit of imitation and replication.” The idea of a gene being such a unit in biology was expanded to the social realm to explain how culture is transmitted. Dawkins’ views reinforced those of Wilson. Dawkins is also notorious for having said that organisms, including human beings, are temporary survival machines for genes.[17]

Richard Dawkins


The theoretical basis for Wilson’s and Dawkins’ work however had been developed a decade earlier by William Hamilton and George Price. Hamilton and Price, borrowing concepts from game theory, developed a mathematical model that demonstrated that within the framework of the Darwinian logic of natural selection any act of altruistic behavior rests on a more fundamental survival strategy.  This finding shocked Price who had a deep belief in altruism. The author Andrew Brown, in his 1999 book, The Darwin Wars, provides a dramatic retelling of the impact on Price,

For though his equation showed that truly self-sacrificing behaviour can exist among animals, and even. humans, it also seemed to show that there is nothing noble in it. Only behaviour which helps to spread the genes that cause it can survive in the very long term. Since man, too, is an animal, the human capacity for altruism must be strictly limited; and our capacity for cruelty, treachery and selfishness impossible to eradicate. Through algebra, George Price had found proof of original sin.[18]

The collision between Price’s deeply held beliefs and what he took to be the iron laws inscribed in the mathematics he developed that revealed self-interest at the root of all behavior triggered a mental breakdown, eventually resulting in his suicide. If unravelling the mystery behind human behavior had such an impact on one of the founders of what was later called Sociobiology, its entrance into the realm of public dialogue was no less dramatic. Wilson’s book was an overnight sensation, something unheard of for a huge tome on science. An enthusiastic review of the book was featured on the front page of the New York Times. Dozens of reviews followed. Most were highly enthusiastic but several expressed strong disagreement.  Perhaps the most important of the early objections to Wilson’s book was a letter published in the New York Review of Books signed by more than a dozen notable scientists, researchers and practitioners in the fields of medicine, biology, zoology and paleontology, including Stephan Jay Gould and Richard Lewontin.  The letter placed Sociobiology within the historical context of Social Darwinism and biological determinism. It starts with the observation that,

Beginning with Darwin’s theories of natural selection 125 years ago, new biological and genetic information has played a significant role in the development of social and political policy. From Herbert Spencer, who coined the phrase “survival of the fittest,” to Konrad Lorenz, Robert Ardrey, and now E. O. Wilson, we have seen proclaimed the primacy of natural selection in determining most important characteristics of human behavior. These theories have resulted in a deterministic view of human societies and human action. Another form of this “biological determinism” appears in the claim that genetic theory and data can explain the origin of certain social problems, e.g., the suggestion by eugenicists such as Davenport in the early twentieth century that a host of examples of “deviant” behavior—criminality, alcoholism, etc.—are genetically based; or the more recent claims for a genetic basis of racial differences in intelligence by Arthur Jensen, William Shockley and others.

Each time these ideas have resurfaced the claim has been made that they were based on new scientific information. Yet each time, even though strong scientific arguments have been presented to show the absurdity of these theories, they have not died. The reason for the survival of these recurrent determinist theories is that they consistently tend to provide a genetic justification of the status quo and of existing privileges for certain groups according to class, race or sex. Historically, powerful countries or ruling groups within them have drawn support for the maintenance or extension of their power from these products of the scientific community.[19]

The letter goes on to elucidate several methodological errors Wilson commits in order to back up his claims,

In his attempt to graft speculation about human behavior onto a biological core, Wilson uses a number of strategies and sleights of hand which dispel any claim for logical or factual continuity.”

Among the methodological problems cited are:

1.    Wilson’s claim that all adaptive behavior can be traced to genes. Behavior that he cannot easily explain, such as social unrest, he simply discards by saying it is “maladaptive”.

2.    He makes an unjustified leap from the behavior of non-humans to humans by asserting a genetic basis for anthropology.

3.    Wilson posits a continuity between the behavior of animals as understood by evolutionary theory and human social behavior.  There is no logical justification for such a belief other than the reductionist fallacy that human social behavior is of the same quality as animal behavior, just a more complex version of the same. In arguing this point Wilson has to turn to metaphors that blur the distinctions. “For instance, in insect populations, Wilson applies the traditional metaphors of “slavery” and “caste,” “specialists” and “generalists” in order to establish a descriptive framework. Thus, he promotes the analogy between human and animal societies and leads one to believe that behavior patterns in the two have the same basis.” Furthermore, with the use of such misleading metaphors “…institutions such as slavery are made to seem natural in human societies because of their “universal” existence in the biological kingdom.” 

4.    He provides an ad  hoc hypothesis of a “multiplier effect” to explain how major cultural changes can take place almost overnight, a rate unknown in the relatively slow propagation of change through genes.  But there is absolutely no evidence for the existence of any such mechanism.

5.    “Many of Wilson’s claims about human nature do not arise from objective observation (either of universals in human behavior or of generalities throughout animal societies), but from a speculative reconstruction of human prehistory. This reconstruction includes the familiar themes of territoriality, big-game hunting with females at home minding the kids and gathering vegetables (“many of the peculiar details of human sexual behavior and domestic life flow easily from this basic division of labor”—p. 568), and a particular emphasis on warfare between bands and the salutary advantages of genocide.” 

The letter comes to the conclusions that,

What we are left with then is a particular theory about human nature, which has no scientific support, and which upholds the concept of a world with social arrangements remarkably similar to the world which E. O. Wilson inhabits. We are not denying that there are genetic components to human behavior. But we suspect that human biological universals are to be discovered more in the generalities of eating, excreting and sleeping than in such specific and highly variable habits as warfare, sexual exploitation of women and the use of money as a medium of exchange. What Wilson’s book illustrates to us is the enormous difficulty in separating out not only the effects of environment (e.g., cultural transmission) but also the personal and social class prejudice of the researcher. Wilson joins the long parade of biological determinists whose work has served to buttress the institutions of their society by exonerating them from responsibility for social problems.

Stephen Jay Gould


This was the opening shot in what was to become the most contentious and passionate debate in the history of science since the fabled encounter between Darwin’s champion, T. H. Huxley, and Bishop Samuel Wilberforce, more than century earlier.[20] A huge number of books, articles and debates followed and continue to this day. Richard Lewontin summed up some of the issues in a 1982 lecture,

Sociobiology, the evolutionary theory of human nature, is both determinist and reductionist in common with other aspects of biological determinist thought. The reductionism of sociobiology lies in the ontological priority it gives to the individual over society and over the species as a whole. If people behave in a certain way, say they are entrepreneurial, it is because each person, individually, possesses an intrinsic property of entrepreneurship. Individual entrepreneurs create an entrepreneurial society, not the other way round. Moreover, the entrepreneurial tendency is coded in the genes of which we are the ineluctable product. No matter how hard we try we cannot escape the dictates of our genes.[21]

Richard Lewontin


What are ‘Just so Stories’?

Stephen Jay Gould first introduced the phrase “just so stories” in his earliest critique of Sociobiology.  What are ”just so stories” and how do they fit into the debate between Gould and the Sociobiologists? Following in the footsteps of Rudyard Kipling whose children’s book of “Just So Stories” asked questions like “How did the leopard get its spots?”,  our modern Sociobiologists have postulated fanciful tales to explain human behavior in terms of Darwinian evolutionary principles.  Yet there was precedent for this turn in the history of evolutionary theory. Anthony Gottlieb noted that, when it comes to inventing fanciful explanations for evolution, this practice began a long time ago.  There is an allusion to a tale of this kind by Darwin in Origin. Gottlieb writes,

The idea of natural selection itself began as a just-so story, more than two millennia before Darwin. Darwin belatedly learned this when, a few years after the publication of “On the Origin of Species,” in 1859, a town clerk in Surrey sent him some lines of Aristotle, reporting an apparently crazy tale from Empedocles. According to Empedocles, most of the parts of animals had originally been thrown together at random: “Here sprang up many faces without necks, arms wandered without shoulders . . . and eyes strayed alone, in need of foreheads.” Yet whenever a set of parts turned out to be useful the creatures that were lucky enough to have them “survived, being organised spontaneously in a fitting way, whereas those which grew otherwise perished.” In later editions of “Origin,” Darwin added a footnote about the tale, remarking, “We here see the principle of natural selection shadowed forth.[22]

But while this was little more than a passing thought on the part of Darwin, the Sociobiologists appropriated such arguments into their explanatory schema. Gottlieb explains how the debate about “just so stories” originated with Gould,

Today’s biologists tend to be cautious about labelling any trait an evolutionary adaptation—that is, one that spread through a population because it provided a reproductive advantage. It’s a concept that is easily abused, and often “invoked to resolve problems that do not exist,” the late George Williams, an influential evolutionary biologist, warned. When it comes to studying ourselves, though, such admonitions are hard to heed. So strong is the temptation to explain our minds by evolutionary “Just So Stories,” Stephen Jay Gould argued in 1978, that a lack of hard evidence for them is frequently overlooked (his may well have been the first pejorative use of Kipling’s term). Gould, a Harvard paleontologist and a popular-science writer, who died in 2002, was taking aim mainly at the rising ambitions of sociobiology. He had no argument with its work on bees, wasps, and ants, he said. But linking the behavior of humans to their evolutionary past was fraught with perils, not least because of the difficulty of disentangling culture and biology. Gould saw no prospect that sociobiology would achieve its grandest aim: a “reduction” of the human sciences to Darwinian theory.

Defenders of sociobiology assert that allusions to their discipline being replete with “just so stories” are a pseudo-problem voiced by “anti-science postmodernists.”[23]

But are “just so stories” really a pseudo-problem?

Gould’s argument was never that Darwinian adaptations do not happen, but that such adaptation cannot explain all biological features. Rather, Gould defended a paradigm-shifting modified version of Darwinism, called “punctuated equilibrium”, that allowed for multiple causal factors behind evolution and argued that Wilson and other “fundamentalist Darwinians”, in their attempt to explain evolution through a single all-encompassing mechanism, were often reduced to postulating absurd hypotheses with no more justification than Kipling’s fanciful stories. To quote Gould,

Since the ultras are fundamentalists at heart, and since fundamentalists generally try to stigmatize their opponents by depicting them as apostates from the one true way, may I state for the record that I (along with all other Darwinian pluralists) do not deny either the existence and central importance of adaptation, or the production of adaptation by natural selection. Yes, eyes are for seeing and feet are for moving. And, yes again, I know of no scientific mechanism other than natural selection with the proven power to build structures of such eminently workable design.

But does all the rest of evolution—all the phenomena of organic diversity, embryological architecture, and genetic structure, for example—flow by simple extrapolation from selection’s power to create the good design of organisms? Does the force that makes a functional eye also explain why the world houses more than five hundred thousand species of beetles and fewer than fifty species of priapulid worms? Or why most nucleotides—the linked groups of molecules that build DNA and RNA—in multicellular creatures do not code for any enzyme or protein involved in the construction of an organism? Or why ruling dinosaurs died and subordinate mammals survived to flourish and, along one oddly contingent pathway, to evolve a creature capable of building cities and understanding natural selection?[24]

Was Gould being unfair to Sociobiologists like E.O. Wilson and Richard Dawkins? Was he dismissing legitimate hypotheses without justification? Not according to the neuroscientist, evolutionary biologist and biomedical scientist Emily Casanova. Discussing some of the more far-fetched theories of Darwinian fundamentalists, she writes,

The great Stephen Jay Gould referred to these hypotheses concerning adaptation of features as "Just So Stories," named after the popular children's book by Rudyard Kipling that, through a series of charming tales, told how different animals acquired their unique features, such as the camel and his hump.

While modern hypotheses may seem a little less far-fetched, they are no less fanciful- in part because modern scientists are sometimes so focused on "What adaptive advantage could this trait possibly give?" rather than determining how said trait could have arisen and been passed down by other means. In addition, so often these hypotheses are untestable, so in actuality they're not even "hypotheses". They're just interesting thoughts.

My biggest complaint about these "interesting thoughts" is why we insist that a single physical trait be acted upon directly as if it exists in a morphological vacuum. For instance, just the other day I wondered to myself, "Why do humans have such long hair?" We have the longest hair of any mammals- especially of those naturally occurring. While I wanted a causal reason for the increase in relative hair-growth (e.g., mutations in Genes X, Y, Z lead to a prolongation of the phase of anagen in humans), instead I found posts by evolutionary biologists positing that it was an adaptive development to deal with the cold. (By their measure, long versus shorter hair would've meant the difference between life and death!)[25]

Richard Lewontin provided a searing indictment of the use of “just so stories” by Sociobiology in a lecture he gave in 1982,

…[A] step in the process of sociobiological explanation is the invention of a suitable adaptive story to explain why the trait supposed to be universal, coded by the supposed genes, has been incorporated into the human genome by natural selection. A direct explanation can be invented for most traits. A xenophobic person will keep out strangers, and so have less competition for food in short supply and so successfully raise more offspring. As a result the genes for xenophobia will spread. The same story can be applied to territoriality and aggressiveness. Male domination is incorporated because dominant males control more females and so simultaneously produce more offspring and maintain a captive labor force to rear them. And so on. There is no end to the just-so stories that can be invented.[26]

But as absurd as some of these “just so stories” become when attempting to explain a single morphological trait of an organism, their absurdity is raised to a new level when such explanations are focused on an area of human psychology or sexual behavior, a topic to which I will return shortly.

The response from the camp of Sociobiology asserted that allusions to their discipline being replete with “just so stories” are unfair and entirely baseless. One such response accuses Gould of indulging in “The art of name-calling”.  This author, John Alcock, wrote,

The "just-so story" epithet is one of the most successful derogatory labels ever invented, having entered common parlance as a name for any explanation about behavior, especially human behavior, that someone wishes to dispute.[27]

The Rise, Fall and Rebirth of Sociobiology and the emergence Evolutionary Psychology

The fortunes of the Sociobiologists rose and fell and then rose again in the ensuing decades. By the mid-1980’s the critiques of Gould, Lewontin and others, combined with some of the reactionary sentiments expressed by Wilson and others discredited Sociobiology. Yet Sociobiology, like the proverbial leopard, changed its spots. Wilson, while sticking to his reductionist vision, walked back some of his more outrageous statements to mollify a liberal establishment. He began speaking not of genes “determining” behavior, but of their providing a “tendency”.  These verbal gymnastics helped normalize Sociobiology as it shed its :”bad boy” image and became more part of establishment “science” and popular culture. Also at work in shoring up the reputation of Sociobiology was the spirit of pessimism about the possibility of fundamental change in society that followed the dissolution of the Soviet Union.  Scientific and political radicals like Gould and Lewontin soon found themselves marginalized as outsiders. A taste of the atmosphere in the 1990’s can be gleaned from the book, The Darwin Wars.

Politically, however, the story seems to be one of the steady marginalisation of Gouldians and the emergence and triumph of a refined and purified sociobiology. As a new orthodoxy hardens, the Gouldians’ fate is clearly to be ushered into the history books as The Men Who Were Wrong. Gould himself is particularly loathed, even though some of his criticisms of Wilson’s original Sociobiology are now accepted even by its sympathisers.[28] 

The counter-attack from Sociobiology against the critique of Gould, Lewontin and many others were led by the philosopher Daniel Dennett. His book Darwin’s Dangerous Idea, took the basic idea of Wilson and Dawkins -- that all of human behavior can be explained in Darwinian terms -- and weaponized it. Dennett claimed that Darwin’s conception of evolution through natural selection applied not only in evolutionary theory but pretty much explained everything that had previously been pursued in the social sciences. To Dennett, Darwin’s idea was “a universal acid” that dissolved everything in its path. He wrote,

Darwin's idea had been born as an answer to questions in biology, but it threatened to leak out, offering answers—welcome or not—to questions in cosmology (going in one direction) and psychology (going in the other di-rection ). If redesign could be a mindless, algorithmic process of evolution, why couldn't that whole process itself be the product of evolution, and so forth, all the way down? And if mindless evolution could account for the breathtakingly clever artifacts of the biosphere, how could the products of our own "real" minds be exempt from an evolutionary explanation? Darwin's idea thus also threatened to spread all the way up, dissolving the illusion of our own authorship, our own divine spark of creativity and understanding.[29]

Daniel Dennett


Dennett had an “in your face” style of expressing himself that distinguished him from your more circumspect run-of-the-mill academic philosopher. This style contributed to his books becoming best-sellers, something unheard of for most philosophers.  He even titled a chapter in his book, “Who is afraid of reductionism?” He enthusasucally championed reductionism where most reductionists were ashamed of openly embracing it.  Richard Dawkins characterized this attitude on the part of some of his colleagues when he wrote,

Reductionism is a dirty word, and a kind of 'holistier than thou' self-righteousness has become fashionable.[30]

Dawkins approved of Dennett’s full-throated defense of reductionism. Dennett tries to get around all the critiques of reductionism by positing a “good reductionism” against a “greedy reductionism”.  It is not so easy to disentangle the difference between the two.  His attempt to do so is not very convincing.

The difference, in the context of Darwin's theory, is simple: greedy reductionists think that everything can be explained without cranes; good reductionists think that everything can be explained without skyhooks.[31]

In Dennett’s universe, “cranes” stand in for rational explanations whereas “skyhooks” stand in for fanciful explanations. So Dennett is here saying that good reductionism is good, because it is “good” whereas greedy reductionism is bad because it is “bad”.  It’s a fine example of circular reasoning.

Nevertheless despite the poor logic of Dennett’s arguments, his image of a universal acid that provides a handy algorithm for explaining everything had a huge impact on popular culture as well as biology. It was not for nothing that he was called “Dawkins bulldog”, comparing his historical role to that of T. H. Huxley, who was called “Darwin’s bulldog.”

One can certainly say that by the mid 1990’s Sociobiology was triumphant, at least in the minds of the public, and the work of Daniel Dennett had something to do with that. Indeed a book published in 2001 had the title “The Triumph of Sociobiology”.[32]   Sociobiology soon spawned other disciplines such as Evolutionary Psychology. Evolutionary Psychologists like Stephen Pinker and Sam Harris were writing popular books  claiming, among other things, that child-rearing advice from experts, such as the late Benjamin Spock, is just so much “flapdoodle” since the personality of a child has already been "determined by their genes.  Louis Menand provided a fitting response to Pinker when he wrote,

When Pinker and Harris say that parents do not affect their children's personalities, therefore, they mean that parents cannot make a fretful child into a serene adult. It's irrelevant to them that parents can make their children into opera buffs, water-skiers, food connoisseurs, bilingual speakers, painters, trumpet players, and churchgoers—that parents have the power to introduce their children to the whole supra-biological realm—for the fundamental reason that science cannot comprehend what it cannot measure.[33]

Stephen Pinker


(I would however qualify Menand’s statement by noting that science can comprehend human psychology but it requires very different tools than those that are available to biology or chemistry.)

Menand went on to provide an explanation of the difference between biological and chemical properties that can be measured with a great deal of precision and the psychology of human behavior that defies quantitative analysis,  

That chronic anxiety is biological—that it is not caused solely by circumstance—is shown by the fact that medication containing a selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (that is, an anti-depressant) can relieve it. (Would medication count as nurture or as nature?) But that's just the biology. The psychology is everything that the organism does to cope with its biology. Innately anxious people develop all kinds of strategies for overcoming, disguising, avoiding, repressing, and, sometimes, exploiting their tendency to nervousness. These strategies are acquired—people aren't born with them—and they are constructed from elements that the environment provides. The mind can work only with what it knows, and one of the things it knows is parents, who often become major players in the psychic drama of anxiety maintenance. The mere fact of having “the gene for anxiety” determines nothing, which is why some anxious people become opera buffs, some become water-skiers, and some just sit and stare out the window, brooding on the fact that their parents did not read them enough bedtime stories.

“Evolutionary psychology” in fact does not have a place for psychology at all as Menand notes,

The other trouble with evolutionary psychology is that it is not really psychology. In general, the views that Pinker derives from “the new sciences of human nature” are mainstream Clinton-era views: incarceration is regrettable but necessary; sexism is unacceptable, but men and women will always have different attitudes toward sex; dialogue is preferable to threats of force in defusing ethnic and nationalist conflicts; most group stereotypes are roughly correct, but we should never judge an individual by group stereotypes; rectitude is all very well, but “noble guys tend to finish last”; and so on.

Louis Menand


We will see that the disappearance of genuine psychology is a recurring theme in all variants of  “evolutionary psychology”.

 

NOTES

 



[1]  Quoted in Richard Hofstadter, Social Darwinism in American Thought (Boston: Beacon Press, 1993 [1944]), 45.

[2]  MECW, vol. 45, 107–08. Letter to Pyotr Lavrov, 1875.

[3] MECW, vol. 25, 584.

[4] Ibid., 585.

[5] Quoted by Philip Pomper, Trotsky's Notebooks, 1933-1935: Writings on Lenin, Dialectics, and Evolutionism.,Columbia University Press, 1986, p. 51. The original citation is from Trotsky, Sochineniia, 21:277-78

[6]  Darwin’s Legacy, lecture by Melissa Brown at Stanford, 2008, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7KZ9bU464zs

[7] Lecture by Melissa Brown, Ibid.

[8] Aaron Gillette, EUGENICS AND THE NATURE–NURTURE DEBATE IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY, Palgrave

Macmillan, 2007. p. 2.

[9] The classic take-down of IQ testing and related racial theories based on anatomical or genetic differences is Stephen Jay Gould’s The Mismeasure of Man: The definitive refutation to the argument of ‘The Bell Curve’, Norton, 1981.

[10]  Nicole Novak & Natalie Lira, Forced Sterilization Programs in California Once Harmed Thousands—Particularly Latinas, School of Public Health, University of Michigan

https://sph.umich.edu/pursuit/2018posts/forced-sterilization-programs-in-california.html

[12] Ibid.

[13] The Nazis’ adoption of eugenics to justify their racial policies is well-documented by Richard Weikart, Hitler’s Ethic: The Nazi Pursuit of Evolutionary Progress, Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.

[14] Jonathan Freedland, Eugenics and the master race of the left, The Guardian, August, 30, 1997.

https://www.theguardian.com/politics/from-the-archive-blog/2019/may/01/eugenics-founding-fathers-british-socialism-archive-1997

[15]  E.O. Wilson, “Human Decency Is Animal,” N e w York Times Magazine, October 12, 1975.

[16] E. O. Wilson, 1975, Sociobiology: The New Synthesis, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, p.562.

[18] Andrew Brown, The Darwin Wars: The Scientific Battle for the Soul of Man, Simon and Schuster, 1999, p. 2.

[19] Against “Sociobiology”, In response to: Mindless Societies from the August 7, 1975 issue, New York Review of Books, November 13, 1975, https://www.nybooks.com/articles/1975/11/13/against-sociobiology/

[21] Lewontin, Biological Determinism, op. cit.

[22] Anthony Gottlieb, It Ain’t Necessarily So, The New Yorker, Sept 10, 2012

 https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2012/09/17/it-aint-necessarily-so

[23] Lazare makes such an assertion against me. His discussion of my supposedly unfair usage of this phrase is made without any reference to the historical context of the debate between the Sociobiologists against Gould, Lewontin and others that began in the 1970’s. Lazare’s thoughts are not original however. He is grafting onto a long history of such arguments by defenders of Sociobiology against the criticism of Gould and others.

[24] Stephen Jay Gould, Darwinian Fundamentalism, New York Review of Books, June 12, 1997.

[25] Emily Casanova, The absurdity of ‘Just So Stories” in explaining evolution, https://scienceoveracuppa.com/2016/05/22/the-absurdity-of-just-so-stories-in-explaining-evolution/

[26] Richard Lewontin, Biological Determinism, The Tanner Lectures on Human Values, Delivered at The University of Utah, March 31 and April 1, 1982. https://tannerlectures.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/lewontin83.pdf

[27] John Alcock, The Triumph of Sociobiology, Oxford University Press, 2001, p.64.

[28] Brown, The Darwin Wars, op. cit. p. 148.

[29]  Daniel Dennett, Darwin’s Dangerous Idea: Evolution and the Meanings of Life, Penguin Books, 1995, p. 63.

[30]  Richard Dawkins (2016).The Extended Phenotype: The Long Reach of the Gene”, p.172, Oxford University Press

[31]   Dennett, op. cit. p. 82.

[32]  John Alcock, The Triumph of Sociobiology, op. cit.

[33]  Louis Menand, What Comes Naturally: Does evolution explain who we are? first appeared in the New Yorker edition of Nov. 25, 2002. It was republished online at http://forum.permanent-revolution.org/2014/11/note-with-permission-of-author-we-are.html

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