A diary turned upside down

Owen Hsieh – 02/03/2025

Diary of a Crisis: Israel in Turmoil

Saul Friedländer

304 pages / September 2024

Verso Books



Introduction:

Saul  Friedländer is a historian of repute, having previously written an acclaimed history of the holocaust, The Years of Persecution, 1933–1939 (1997) and The Years of Extermination, 1939-1945 (2007). In Diary of a Crisis he writes about a year in Israeli politics from January to December 2023, commenting on the protests against Netanyahu’s judicial reforms, with a latter section added which is devoted to October 7 and its aftermath, while the first section contains some interesting insights on the protest movement which was underreported and little understood in the west. The section on October 7 is politically problematic and ends up uncritically repeating IDF talking points and propaganda, all while the IDF is on a rampage throughout Gaza. 

Protests against Judicial Reforms:

The aging  Friedländer writes from the vantage point of his home in France, complaining that he is too old and infirm to fly there and see events in person. His book is therefore lacking first-hand material, comprised of observations and notes he has taken from watching the news and reading the Hebrew language press from abroad.

In its first half, discussing Netanyahu’s proposed Judicial reforms and the protests they engendered,  Friedländer writes in his introduction:  

I knew what political fanaticism is, and I know that Netanyahu was desperately attempting to get rid of the indictments that would land him in jail. His new alliances would allow him to subvert the judicial system to a point that would make it subservient to the political majority in power and thus allow him to dodge the sword hanging over his head.

The Judicial reforms sought to implement the “reasonableness bill” which removed the power of the Supreme Court (and lower courts) to cancel government decisions interpreted to be  "extremely unreasonable", while simultaneously weakening the ability of the Supreme Court to review or throw out laws - by enabling a simple majority in the Knesset (parliament) to overrule the courts. There was also a push for greater control over the appointment of judges.

These reforms were slated to be implemented while Netanyahu faces trial for three separate cases of corruption: Case 1000, Case 2000, and Case 4000, which include allegations of bribery, fraud, and breach of trust. These charges could lead to a potential sentence of 10 years in prison. Many saw the Judicial reforms as an attempt to shield Netanyahu from prosecution.

A typical entry for each day’s events is 150 words, supporting the protestors. Friedländer’s diary entries contain wry observations and pithy snippets taken from the news of the day which give a good picture of the tenor of Israeli politics at the time: 

Excerpts from a typical series of entries are as follows:

Saturday, January 21:

Some 130,000 anti-Netanyahu demonstrators took the streets in Israeli cities, 100,000 of them in Tel Aviv.

Saturday, February 4:

The number of protestors in Tel Aviv (40,000) was not up to that of previous weeks but there were many more demonstrations all over the country.

Monday, February 6:

Three things are quite bothersome regarding the protest movement: the lack of leadership, the quasi-total exclusion of the Palestinian issue, and the danger of again having a majority of Ashkenazim facing the great mass of Sephardim. Avoiding this trap should be an important aim of those who organise the demonstrations.

 

Saturday, March 5:

Thirty seven out of the forty reserve pilots of an elite air force unit will not report for training in protest against the judicial initiative. This kind of abstentionism is rapidly spreading to other units. Minister of Defence Gallant is worried enough to call for immediate talks.

Saturday, March 25:

The protests against the judicial overhaul are spreading to the army conscripts. Thousands of demonstrators in front of Defence Minister Gallants house….Massive protests all over the country.. ..Gallant has called for the [Judicial] overhaul to be paused. According to him, the rift has penetrated the army and there is an immediate and tangible threat to Israel’s security.

October 7:

These paint the picture of a revolutionary situation. The first series of reports on the protests against the judicial reforms was completed and appeared in the German language press before a second section was added after October 7, capitalising on the massive wave of interest and hunger for knowledge that appeared after the attack.  Friedländer writes from October 7 to Dec 13, but while the first section of the book was vibrant, bringing a lot of new information to light on the character of the mass protests, his writing on October 7th sometimes descends to the level of a rant and shows elements of  Friedländer’s untrammelled bias. 

For example:

On Anti Semitism in the British Labour Party and Western Europe generally:

Wednesday, November 15:

After being presented to Congress, a video recording of the Hamas attack on October 7 was screened to 70 members of both Houses of the British Parliament. In both cases, the incredible brutality of these images made a deep impression. However, there are 650 members in the House of Commons alone and more than 750 in the House of Lords. It is probable that no member of the Labour Party attended the screening … The negative (or shall we say, somewhat negative) attitude toward Israel and, often toward Jews, in the UK nowadays remains puzzling.

Thursday, November 16:

The rise of antisemitism in western Europe and the US shows that hatred of Jews was merely dormant since World War II and the Holocaust, and that any pretext can revive it. This hatred is being amalgamated with social conflicts that have nothing to do with it. Jews are portrayed as oppressors, either directly oppressing the Palestinians or using the money they have supposedly accumulated to oppress any possibly disadvantaged social group. Antisemitism certainly is the oldest hatred, and it does not end.

We can only infer from this that the Labour Party of Britain, seemingly did not attend the screening of the Oct 7 documentary, as they, like their compatriots in Western Europe, are not immune to the world’s oldest hatred: beholden to an irrational, immutable antisemitism. 

Friedländer’s invective is particularly charged here as it comes shortly after Corbyn was removed as British Labour leader and expelled from the party in 2020 after facing spurious charges of Anti-Semitism – he legitimises this witch hunt after the fact. 

Hamas base beneath Al-Shifa hospital:

Tuesday, November 7:

We only know that IDF ground forces are fighting in the heart of Gaza city, near Al Shifa hospital. Ironically, the hospital was built by Israeli architects in the 1970s, when Israel was occupying Gaza. But the tunnels beneath the hospital were not built by Israel.

Friday, November 10:

Israel is convinced that Hamas tactically established its headquarters in tunnels under the hospital compound, and that Yahya Sinwar, the Hamas chief, is holed up there. Time will tell, but in the meantime civilians are getting killed.

Friday, November 17:

The New York Times and the Guardian both express doubts today about the evidence provided by the IDF regarding Hamas’s military activity at Al-Shifa Hospital. Apart from the corpse of Yehudit Weiss, which was found near the hospital, and the weapons and uniforms that supposedly belonged to Hamas fighters, the IDF uncovered a shaft with steps leading down to tunnels that could not yet be explored because of the danger of booby traps. Only such hard evidence would justify the Israeli incursion into the hospital with its thousands of patients and refugees.

Friday, November 18:

The New York Times has confirmed that the IDF has lowered a camera down the opening of the tunnel uncovered under Al-Shifa. At the bottom of a short flight of stairs, there was a short passage of approximately fifteen meters leading to an armoured door with a slit through which to fire weapons, but only from the inside out.

Repeating and defending the IDF’s claims about Al-Shifa is probably one of the most egregious aspects of the book:

If Hamas had a military base beneath Al-Shifa hospital it would lend support to the idea that it’s a legitimate military target and justify the IDFs incursion. Despite his frequent invocation of the New York Times reportage, borrowing their credibility to lend credence to his claims, the evidence of a Hamas command building beneath Al-Shifa Hospital was always flimsy.

After occupying the hospital for a number of days, and being pressured by the international community to justify their act, it has been suggested that the IDF were planting evidence inside the building. According to CNN reporters:

An IDF video on November 15 showed a military spokesperson touring the facility, during which an AK-47 gun is seen behind an MRI machine. Fox News and the BBC were subsequently granted access to the hospital. In their reports filmed after the IDF clip, two AK-47 guns are visible in the same location. It is unclear where the second assault rifle came from. [1]

Planting the guns behind an MRI machine was a clumsy move. It's implausible as MRI machines use high-powered magnets to generate medical imagery. Metal objects are strictly prohibited around MRI equipment.

The video that we do have access to, after a vertical tunnel was found while IDF bulldozers were breaking down walls in one part of the hospital complex, shows: 

Throwing doubt on the veracity of the clip, one analyst has suggested that “the video is actually clips of two different tunnels spliced together.” [2]

By its own admission, while occupying Al-Shifa, the IDF killed 90, interrogated 300 and arrested 160 persons, including top hospital medical staff. [3]

Of those killed, it has been reported that many were extrajudicial executions of unarmed persons [4]

This transformed Al-Shifa into the site of one of Gaza’s largest mass graves after their departure: 

 


Photos of Al-Shifa show the aftermath of the siege with extensive damage to the building facade, with the majority of its medical equipment burnt and destroyed and internal walls blown up, rendering what was once the largest and most important referral hospital in Gaza unusable.

By uncritically repeating claims about tunnels beneath Al-Shifa hospital, Friedländer has helped legitimise and defend these repugnant acts by the IDF. 

On Fuel Deliveries:

The New York Times writes that Hamas has stockpiled enormous quantities of fuel and provisions in anticipation of a protracted war, even as the population in Gaza lacks the essentials. The organisation’s constant demands for fuel was just camouflage: it seems to have all it needs for a long war stored along hundreds of miles of tunnels.

Here Friedlander is essentially solidarizing himself with the Israeli extreme right who campaigned against fuel deliveries to the enclave to stave off a humanitarian catastrophe during the war, allying himself with those who use the slogan: “Fuel equals weapons.”

On calls for a Ceasefire:

In his musings,  Friedländer is seemingly for 

…tactical pauses in military operations that would allow more humanitarian aid to get to the population, without necessitating a general ceasefire that would seriously hamper pursuit of Israel’s objectives.

The external challenge has already been mentioned. It is the growing pressure for humanitarian pauses, which may turn into a ceasefire that allows Hamas to regroup and replenish its arsenal.

The trouble is that Israel cannot let Hamas survive with its 1988 charter (revised in 2017) advocating the destruction of the Jewish state, as it will, in one way or another, repeat its murderous attacks.

Again, Friedländer solidarizes himself with the Israeli right-wing forces who have opposed the calls for a general ceasefire and campaigned for shorter pauses in the fighting where they did occur.

Conclusion:

Considering all this, it’s odd to think why Verso Books would have published Friedländer’s unfiltered stream of consciousness writings which contain a barrage of right-wing maxims which fundamentally disagree with its stated aims. To give one example: Verso has taken up the defence of Corbyn as a cause célèbre, against charges of antisemitism which were used to unseat him and install Starmer, while simultaneously publishing accusations of antisemitism inside the British Labour Party. This is the character of a very confused, to put it mildly, support campaign. 

Highlighting his contrarian views, Friedländer notes in his acknowledgements: 

I wish to thank Verso for agreeing to publish the book, notwithstanding our, hopefully small, differences of opinion.

From this, one surmises that the decision to publish the book through the “socialist” press was made purely for commercial considerations.

We can also note that Diary of a Crisis was announced the same month that Verso declared its dire financial position and a threat to its existence after its UK distributor declared bankruptcy with an outstanding debit of £1 million for book sales stretching back to January! [5]

To end, while it’s a legitimate subject to examine the links between the mass protests against Netanyahu Judicial Reforms and October 7,  Friedländer’s book undermines itself. Where the first section of Diary of a Crisis contained a lot of new and interesting information about the character of the mass protests against Netanyahu, the second component on October 7 and after is tainted  by its repeated use of right wing misnomers and doggerels as  Friedländer is unable to recuse himself of his own antipathies.  Friedländer winds up  repeating IDF talking points uncritically – as a trained historian of the Holocaust he does understand how to think critically and interrogate source material – so he should know better.  Why then has  Friedländer written a diary whose post-October 7 portion can be attributed to a political hack?   Friedländer is a lifelong Zionist but has been active in the leftist “Peace Now” movement in Israel.  Yet when faced with what Israelis consider an existential crisis  Friedländer abandons any sense of compassion for the Palestinians and the critical attitude of a good journalist with which the diary began. The result is a diary that contradicts itself - a diary turned upside down. Shame on  Friedländer and shame on Verso. 

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