DAYS of RAGE: Anti-gentrification Demonstrations in Mexico City

This is part one of a series on capitalism, gentrification and the housing crisis.

A demonstrator burns an effigy of U.S. President Trump in the Condesa burrough 
(John Orbach, Associated Press)

In Mexico City this past July, a month of unusually heavy rains and cool temperatures, there were three separate protests against “Gentrification”, which, according to Webster’s Dictionary is “a process in which a poor area of a city experiences an influx of middle-class or wealthy people who renovate and rebuild homes and businesses … which often results in an increase in property values and the displacement of earlier, usually poorer residents”. These demonstrations were notable for being the biggest and most visible, though by no means the first, of its kind around this particular issue.

The first of these demonstrations took place on July 4 in the Colonias (burroughs) of Condesa & Roma, the second took place on July 20 blocking a major avenue in the southern part of the city for hours. The third took place in the historic center of the city and headed down Reforma Avenue towards the U.S. Embassy but was blocked by security forces before reaching its destination.

These relatively small demonstrations of a few hundred people received unusually close scrutiny in the Mexican and U.S. media The first of these demonstrations in Colonia Condesa, perhaps one of the most obvious and emblematic examples of gentrification in the city, was billed as a protest against “American Imperialism”.[1]  Innumerable photos, and cell phone videos showed the destruction of private property directed towards boutique clothing shops,  sidewalk cafés (Starbucks), restaurants, banks, a taco chain, protesters throwing rocks, setting off large firecrackers, breaking windows and chairs, overturning tables, threatening and intimidating foreign customers, ransacking merchandise, chanting xenophobic slogans and spray painting them on walls reading “Go Home Gringo”, “Kill a Gringo”, “Long Live EZLN”, [2] “This is not your home,” “Gentrification is not progress, it is dispossession”, “Housing is a Right not a Commodity”, etc.                                 

The headlines of news reports covering the demonstrations were equally strident: “Critics slam Mexico’s gentrification protests as xenophobic” (CNN), “‘Gringo go home.’ Mexico City protests target Americans, Gentrification” (LA Times), “Gringos Out!: Such was the Anti-gentrification March in CDMX” (Eje Central), “Mexico City Rejects Violence” (La Jornada), “Anti-Immigration Protests Erupt in Mexico” (Breitbart.com), “Peaceful March against Gentrification ends in Vandalism” (La Jornada), etc., etc. It is an interesting question why, in this first march, there seems to have been little or no intervention of security forces or riot police.

The second march against gentrification was held in the south of the city on a Sunday afternoon blocking traffic for hours on Insurgentes Avenue,  the main thoroughfare that runs through the city from north to south. Despite starting out peacefully and being monitored and escorted by riot police, it too led to vandalism as protesters inflicted relatively minor damage on at least one Metrobus station and on an art museum on the campus of the National University (UNAM).  The site of this particular demonstration was chosen to protest the building of a large exclusive housing project within the boundaries of Tlalpan National Park in the area called Fuentes Brotantes, [3] a 20 acre green area (about the size of four Manhattan city blocks or eleven soccer fields), which contains ponds, streams, a variety of wildlife, and offers Mexico City residents opportunities for hiking, picnicking, bird watching and is deemed one of the ecological lungs of the city. [4] 

The third march of July 26, which was the smallest and least violent of the three, was composed mostly of young people and students who cannot find adequate housing in the city who convoked a meeting on the issue at UNAM for August 9.  Again, escorted by police in riot gear, the march started out at the Benito Juarez Monument in Alameda Park in the historic center of the city and set off down Reforma Avenue headed for the U.S. Embassy.  After several improvised detours, however, the march was finally blocked by security forces from reaching its destination. 

Such public demonstrations as these of popular discontent by some segment of society or other, sometimes accompanied by violence, are not rare in Mexico City since the government considers them expressions of “free speech” even though they are generally unpopular with city dwellers who are often inconvenienced by them. Public attitudes towards these demonstrations usually split neatly along class and party lines. Whenever large demonstrations are scheduled in the downtown area, shops, restaurants, banks, public buildings and monuments are often shuttered, boarded up or even fenced off with steel barriers in anticipation of violence and vandalism. 

On this particular occasion the press and the government were quick to focus on and condemn these acts of violence but many reasons could be adduced to explain them. It could be that many of the hooded, masked, black clad perpetrators of the violence were provocateurs, from the so-called “Black Block”, who had infiltrated the march as has happened on other occasions with  such demonstrations. The head of the Cuauhtémoc district, in the center of the city, where gentrification is a major problem and where two of the demonstrations took place, Alessandra Rojo de la Vega, has publicly claimed [5] that paid agents were involved in the violence and that some of the merchandise that was plundered from clothing stores was subsequently offered for sale on Facebook. 

Another possible explanation for the violence is that it is not only an expression of the anger and frustration that has accumulated around the issue of gentrification over the years but that it is a response to the brutal and racist campaign against illegal immigration that has been launched by President Donald Trump against Latino workers in the United States involving massive, unprecedented ICE and border patrol raids at their places of work or immigration centers in California and around the country leading to racial profiling, unconstitutional detention and deportation. This has done lasting damage not only to the economy of places like California and to the social relationships of the Latino community with the rest of the U.S. population but as indicated by these demonstrations of anti-American sentiment would seem to have done damage to  international relations between Mexico and the U.S. The anti-gentrification demonstrations are a kind of mirror reflection of the anti-immigration sentiment that is gripping the U.S. and other countries around the world. 

But the media’s and the government’s focus on and the condemnation of the violent, xenophobic features of these demonstrations have other motives. First of all, they effectively distract and detract from the very serious issues and  grievances that they raise effectively stigmatizing their image in public opinion. Secondly, it was the precisely selected targets at which the violence was directed that is so disturbing: tourists, foreign residents, especially Americans, digital nomads and of course the clearly distinctive cultural manifestations of their exclusive enclaves—restaurants, cafés, boutique shops etc. Tourism, after all, is one of Mexico’s biggest sources of foreign revenue. And the targets also had all the ugly earmarks of class warfare. 

But despite the violence and condemnations of violence, the legitimate grievances of the demonstrations have been made abundantly clear: the city has a serious and long-standing systemic problem stemming from the irregular, unregulated growth of the city, rising rents, the lack of affordable housing, the crime and corruption that is involved with this problem, both as cause and effect, and above all the expulsion of original residents from certain traditional neighborhoods where they have lived for decades, or in some cases generations, thereby destroying the character of whole urban communities. As one placard at the Condesa demonstration plaintively read, “Gentrification Erases Memories”. 

The current supposedly left-wing government of Morena, under president Claudia Sheinbaum, (former mayor of Mexico City and heir to ex-president Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador) and under Mexico City mayor Clara Brugada from the same party, have now been put on notice of an urgent problem which, if not addressed, will only get worse and add to the other political woes which the country’s governing party now has to deal with.

(To be continued)

 



[1]     “‘Gringo go home.’ Mexico City protests target Americans, gentrification” July 7, 2015 LA Times

[2]     Ejercito Zapatista de Liberación Nacional

[3]      “Marcha pacífica contra la gentrificación concluye con actos vandálicos en CU” La Jornada July 21, 2025

[4]     Fuentes Brotantes de Tlalpan National Park Wikipedia

[5]   “En la marcha anti-gentrificación hubo ‘grupos pagados para violentar’, acusa Alessandra Rojo” El Financiero July 8, 2025

 

 

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Postcards from Utopia: An ironic look at capitalist restoration in Romania

“A nostalgic supercut of gloriously kitsch media relics, this acerbic film wittily brings out bald-faced narratives around money and success. Behind the blunt messaging of television adverts, filmmaker Radu Jude and philosopher Christian Ferencz-Flatz find pernicious political messages at play.” - Mubi 



Postcards from Utopia by Radu Jude 

By Owen Hsieh 

Postcards from Utopia

Directed by Radu Jude and Christian Ferencz-Flatz

Runtime: 70 minutes, 2024

 

Postcards from Utopia is a feature-length montage comprised entirely of advertisements from Romania in the 1990s, selected from a period following capitalist restoration across the USSR and the Eastern Bloc. The pseudo-documentary is the product of the sardonic and sarcastic wit of prolific Romanian filmmaker Radu Jude, in partnership with critical theory scholar Ferencz-Flatz. 

The film is quite entertaining as the curated selections of advertisements are either quite funny, lyrical or kitsch. Radu highlights many original, novel concepts in this curated set of advertisements within a largely self-referential, distinctly Romanian, advertising culture. The advertisements are novel and creative, a product of circumstances that restricted access from ordinary sources of imitation and pastiche. 

Generally speaking, the advertising industry recycles and reuses creative concepts, creating familiarity and nostalgia, or by the strategy of imitating successful concepts from competitors, however the Romanian advertising industry has been deprived of these influences and been forced to go its own way – hence their originality. 

Simultaneously, it is evoking a defining moment in history; capitalist restoration in Romania and its later journey to EU membership. 

The advertisements trace changes in the Romanian economy during the 1990s with the implementation of “shock therapy” to break up the remnants of planned economy and privatise former state owned assets. With a corresponding shift from an economic orientation centered on heavy industry, to the burgeoning production of consumer goods. 



Commercials depicting the virtues of privatisation
The montage shows an idealised self in the national consciousness of Romania, and a sense of optimism with consumers portrayed purchasing luxury food and drinks, home appliances, automobiles etcetera. 

Commercial depicting the new good life in a capitalist Romania.

This is due to capitalism’s need to development of a range of artificial wants and needs. As the art critic John Berger wrote, 

Capitalism survives by forcing the majority, whom it exploits, to define their own interests as narrowly as possible. This was once achieved by extensive deprivation. Today in the developed countries it is being achieved by imposing a false standard of what is and what is not desirable.  [1]

Berger added,

Within publicity, choices are offered between this cream and that cream, that car and this car, but publicity as a system only makes a single proposal it proposes to each of us that we transform ourselves, or our lives, by buying something more. This more, it proposes, will make us in some way richer - even though we will be poorer by having spent our money. [2] 

The newly celebrated medium of advertising was seen to be particularly exciting and ‘intoxicating’ as the corporate images were associated with an affluent western lifestyle and its freedoms: 

Publicity is usually explained and justified as a competitive medium which ultimately the public (the consumer) and the most efficient manufacturers - and thus the national economy, it is closely related to certain ideas about freedom: freedom of choice for the purchaser: freedom of enterprise for the manufacturer. The great hoardings and the publicity neons of the cities of capitalism are the immediate visible sign of ’The Free World.’ 

For many in Eastern Europe such images in the West sum up what they in the East lack. Publicity, it is thought, offers a free choice. [3] 

Despite this heady optimism, the restoration of capitalism inaugurated a catastrophic and precipitous decline in living standards within Romania: 

Initially, the Bulgarian and Romanian post communists tried to keep domestic industries afloat with state subsidies. When the burden on the state budget became too great, they privatized the industries, mostly by means of so-called manager buyouts. This entailed farming out or auctioning off businesses to their own executives. The practice created warped incentives by making it worthwhile to intentionally mismanage or break up state enterprises in order to buy them cheaply. The bidding process, moreover, was frequently distorted by nepotism and bribery. In the end, the state attained much smaller revenues from privatization than projected, and industrial production dropped, causing tax revenues to fall again. 

Romania and Bulgaria responded by printing more money. By the late nineties, they were suffering another period of crippling inflation. [4] 

Through this process inequality and poverty rates rose steeply, with millions in Romania and across Eastern Europe living below the poverty line. Further compounding this process, Romania was particularly vulnerable to adverse material conditions due to the debilitating experience of decades of Stalinism: 

Romanian society, had suffered such oppression under the neo-Stalinist Ceausescu regime that its subsequent recovery from collective trauma left little strength and few resources to build a resilient market economy.[5] 

Knowing this essential context tinges the somewhat comic selection of advertisements with a tragic air. Ultimately, the outcome was the unfortunate confirmation of a process earlier identified by Leon Trotsky. 

After calling for a political revolution to oust the Stalinist and defend the gains of the October revolution, Trotsky prophetically noted the likely outcome in the absence of a political revolution, 

Against the mistaken idea that from the present Soviet regime only a transition to socialism is possible. In reality a backslide to capitalism is wholly possible. [6]

Trotsky explicitly pointed to the fate of the Soviet Union should capitalism be restored,

A collapse of the Soviet regime would lead inevitably to the collapse of the planned economy, and thus the abolition of state property… The fall of the present bureaucratic dictatorship, if it were not replaced by a new socialist power, would thus mean a return to capitalist relations with a catastrophic decline of industry and culture. [7] 

Radu summarised some of his thoughts on this national experience recently on the Klassiki podcast: 

‘The position of Romania, from a historical point of view, is very particular, it’s a country who just got out of a terrible communist dictatorship, in a long transition to a neoliberal capitalism with no social protection, or very little, and almost getting back to fascism again,[8] we just avoided in the new elections, but still the tendency is still there.’ [9] 

To conclude, this remarkable concept film is the product of Radu’s playful, creative and incisive vision. He is one of the most interesting contemporary directors and undoubtedly the preeminent representative of the second generation of directors in Romanian New Wave Cinema.

 

Previous noteworthy films of his include: 

Caricaturana (2021): a remarkable short film which was based on the unrealised vision of Soviet director Eisenstein. It featured satirical lithographs by 19th-century French artist Honoré-Victorin Daumier, and culminated in a critique of tabloid journalism. 

I Do Not Care If We Go Down in History as Barbarians (2018): which dealt with the legacy of the holocaust in Romania in very sensitive, acerbic manner. This is part of a triptych of films dealing with the holocaust in Romania. 

Radu Jude is, in this authors opinion, one of the most interesting contemporary directors practising today. 

Postcards from Utopia is currently streaming via Mubi.com https://mubi.com

 



[1] John Berger, Ways of Seeing, 1990, Penguin Books, pp. 154

[2] Ibid, pp. 131

[3] Ibid, pp. 130-131

[4] Philip Ther, Europe since 1989, 2017, Princeton University Press, pp. 97

[5] Ibid, pp. 112

[6] Leon Trotsky, the Revolution Betrayed, 1937, Dover Publications (2004), pp. 193

[7] Ibid, pp. 190

[8] Romania was plagued by the fascist Iron Guard movement during World War II.

[9] Radu Jude, From Rossellini to Dracula, 2025, the Klassiki Podcast, 5:30-6:10, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SBkTSJnNfoc


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